Monday, January 14, 2013

Andreas Kloke: The Greek Crisis, SYRIZA and the Left

Due to the ongoing, unrestrained attacks on working people by the European Union and IMF elites, and also by the Greek bourgeoisie, international attention rightly remains focused on Greece. For the worldwide left the question is whether Greece can find a way out of the crisis in an anti-capitalist direction. Because of its electoral success in May and June 2012 and its resultant leading role within the Greek Left, SYRIZA understandably is the party in which the progressive public is particularly interested. From November 30 to December 2, 2012, SYRIZA held a convention where the contours of its current line became more clear.
 DEA ("Internationalist Workers' Left") is an organization that emerged from a split in SEK, the Greek affiliate of the International Socialist Tendency, and which has been a member of SYRIZA since its founding in 2004. Kokkino ("Red") is a split from DEA and APO, a smaller split from Kokkino. KEDA is a group led by comrades excluded from the Communist Party of Greece in recent years. Those three organizations are part of SYRIZA. In the past, they rationalized all the maneuvers of the leadership (of which there were many), from the “left”, that is, with “left” arguments and vocabulary. Together with the not insignificant “Left Current” of the Synaspismos (SYN) party, they now form the “Left Platform” of SYRIZA. The Left Current supports the exit from the euro and from the EU, but has major illusions in the “parliamentary road to socialism”, failing to challenge the institutions of the bourgeois state. The new Left Platform can be seen as an “achievement” for the small semi-Trotskyist organizations. But it also amounts to an adjustment to clearly left-reformist ideas and concepts.
An author of DEA has recently published a report on the SYRIZA congress. (1)
The four essential points of the Left Platform mentioned in this report are quoted here:
“a) SYRIZA must remain committed to winning a ‘government of the left,’ appealing at the same time to the Communist Party and ANTARSYA for collaboration.
b) It should only accept a ‘government of the left’ and should rule out support for any coalition government that includes bourgeois parties.
c) The coalition must continue to stand for an immediate end to payments on the debt; not a single sacrifice should be made for the Euro.
d) SYRIZA must stand for reversing austerity by any means necessary - and putting workers' needs above the ‘realistic’ proposals to meet the needs of capitalism.”

Weaknesses of the Left Platform

The “four points” of the Left Platform are programmatically very weak. The prospect of a “government of the left” implies a parliamentary orientation within the framework of the existing system. It is well known that the CPG (KKE) is absolutely against a coalition with SYRIZA. It is also very unlikely that ANTARSYA, in or out of parliament, will support the Alexis Tsipras leadership that follows an essentially “left capitalist”, softly Keynesian orientation and has just discovered the “fantastic” economic, social and political “achievements" of the “center-left” governments of da Silva (“Lula”) in Brazil and of Kirchner in Argentina.
Tsipras continues to promise to pay off the debt. “We are no batahtsides” (people who do not pay their debts), he solemnly declared in September. Thus, it is not difficult to imagine what kind of policy will prevail in the case of a SYRIZA-led government. It will mean nothing less than an attempt to save Greek capitalism, in the context of world capitalism – however promoted as such “from the left”.  Predictably, this will lead to a complete disaster, not only for such a “left government” itself, but especially for the affected workers and the majority of the population. It is completely irresponsible to fail to criticize this right-wing line of the Tsipras leadership in the strongest terms.
Instead, the Left Platform argues evasively. It urges that SYRIZA should not “move to the right” and that “any turn toward moderation or a shifting of SYRIZA's politics would face serious internal resistance (!).” Strong words, but what do they mean in a situation where the political line of the SYRIZA leadership has already moved sharply to the right? It is nothing more than window dressing. It should be characterized as a transparent attempt to cover up the rightward shift of the leadership. And of course, that attitude threatens to betray the hopes and expectations of millions of people who yearn for a real social defense and for stopping the terrible and incessant attacks by government and the troika. It should be clear that this necessary criticism is not merely a "tactical question".
Note that the first two of the “four points” of the Left Platform, concerning the “government of the left” and the refusal to include “bourgeois parties” in such a government, are almost identical. These two points, however, are silent on the simple truth that a SYRIZA-led government itself would be a “left bourgeois” government. The third point states that “the coalition must continue to stand for an immediate end to payments on the debt and not a single sacrifice should be made for the sake of the euro.” But anyone paying attention knows that the Tsipras majority has no intention of canceling debt payments.

A trip to Latin America, and the march to the right

Tsipras explicitly stated his policy, and confirmed it when he travelled to Latin America in December. He praised the economic policies of da Silva (“Lula”) and his successor in the presidency, D. Rousseff, in Brazil, and those of Nestor and Cristina Kirchner in Argentina. Unfortunately, it is almost certain that the Left Platform - at least the organizations involved in it - will not break with the SYRIZA majority leadership, not even if such policies are implemented by a “left” government under Tsipras. Something similar happened in the years 2002-2003 when “Democracia Socialista” (DS), the former Brazilian section of the Fourth International, supported da Silva who had been elected Prime Minister and continued the application of neo-liberal concepts. DS even stooped to take ministerial posts and to collaborate in employing patently pro-capitalist policies.
The fourth point, that “SYRIZA must stand for reversing austerity by any means necessary - and putting workers' needs above the ‘realistic’ proposals to meet the needs of capitalism”, is wishful thinking on the part of the authors. It means covering up the political line of the SYRIZA majority that consists basically in a mixture of neo-liberal and Keynesian ideas, from the “left”. In fact, the political substance and the programmatic content of the four points are very thin.
It should be added that the organizations and groups that allegedly are to the left of the SYN party, mainly the Maoist KOE (“Communist Organization of Greece”), the largest organization  in SYRIZA next to SYN, and the left-Euro-communist AKOA, the “Group Rosa” and others support the Tsipras leadership and refused to join the Left Platform. At least their behavior, as a capitulation to the SYN majority, was more honest than that of the Left Platform. At the same time it is an attempt to stabilize SYRIZA after the right turn that took place during the spring elections. The nearly 26% of the vote received by the Left Platform may look like a satisfactory result for a minority. In fact it means that all attempts to “revolutionize” SYRIZA or even to shift it a bit to the left, have failed.
The more the SYRIZA leadership believes that it is heading towards government responsibility - or the more that this is actually the case - the more determined it is to move to the right and to leave no doubt that it will be a reliable partner of the elites in the EU and the world - and above all, be a “guarantor of the euro”, whatever the cost. In domestic affairs this means that increased cooperation with the CPG or ANTARSYA is not on the agenda. On the other hand, a coalition government with the current ruling parties, or possible spin-offs from DIMAR or even PASOK, is not ruled out and apparently is even welcome. SYRIZA thus increasingly has a profile that would be defined in earlier times as “classic social-democratic.”
The conclusion is that the Left Platform is more like a “left” fig leaf of the openly pro-capitalist policies of the SYRIZA majority leadership, rather than a “centrist” unification attempt against the reformist Tsipras leadership. One distinction could be made: The Left Current in the SYN party, whose origins are mostly the CPG, was from the beginning that is since 1991, the left wing of a former Euro-communist party and now a basically “left” social democratic party. In this sense it remains “honest” and loyal to its understanding of politics. The case of the organizations that claim to be revolutionary is different: Those groups are more and more integrated into the factional disputes of a reformist party (or alliance), without being able to criticize the bureaucratic leadership and offer a politically and programmatically sound alternative. In any case, they do not criticize very much.

The real alternative

It is therefore impossible to join SYRIZA “on a revolutionary basis” and to do revolutionary political work in it. Devotion to SYRIZA essentially means giving up on the necessary struggle for a truly anti-capitalist - revolutionary alternative to (left) reformism in Greece. That is one of the reasons why OKDE - Spartakos maintains its commitment to struggle for a revolutionary - Marxist perspective within the anti-capitalist alliance ANTARSYA and to advance the methodology of the transitional program, which is geared to the needs of our time.
Four core demands of this approach are:
a) Stop and cancel all debt payments.
b) Nationalize the banks and large enterprises under workers’ control.
c) This necessarily means, under the present conditions, exit the euro-zone and the EU, and
d) Implement a program of public works, which will confront and solve the problem of unemployment and growing impoverishment. Of course, all this requires a radical internationalist perspective, part of the beginning of the socialist transformation that will be a European - and finally worldwide - question.
Clearly, millions of people put their hopes in SYRIZA and believe that a “left government” could actually change the situation in their favor. They do this primarily as “voters”, and not so much as supporters of the anti-austerity resistance movement. On the streets, in the strikes and demonstrations, in the active anti-fascist committees, the influence of SYRIZA is very limited. One can say that the militant presence and influence of the CPG, of ANTARSYA, and of other anti-capitalist organizations in the anti-fascist activities, and also even that of the anarchists and autonomists, is stronger than that of SYRIZA.

Instability of the situation

2011 was the year of the rising resistance movement against the memoranda (austerity) policies. In 2012 hopes for a “peaceful transition” through elections prevailed. But 2012 was also the year that witnessed the rise of the pro-Nazi “Golden Dawn” (GD). Opinion polls suggest that it currently has about 10% support. Therefore, the situation remains very unstable. The policies of the new tripartite government are bound to fail, but the ruling class has no political parties in reserve. It relies more and more on the authoritarian, repressive methods of a police state. The police, to a large extent, cover up the activities of GD. More and more people are forced into unemployment and despair. An exit from the crisis, a real solution is not in sight.
An upturn of the resistance movement, and eventually a revolt similar to the “argentinazo” in 2001, are the only hope to pave the way for a truly anti-capitalist solution that poses the question of power by the appearance of self-organized committees in the factories, hospitals, schools and universities, and also in the municipal councils. Such a movement can challenge the rotten bourgeois democracy and the repressive state organs. The occupation of public buildings, factories and offices, hospitals, schools and universities, and an indefinite general strike belong in the repertoire of appropriate actions. Only in this way it will be possible to implement a genuine socialist solution to the crisis. At the same time there is a danger that the counterrevolution prevails, in whatever form. The unstable social and political balance that has existed since the imposition of the memoranda, cannot last forever.
The tactical instrument of the anti-capitalist - revolutionary left to convince broad popular layers of this struggle perspective is the united front. It will be necessary to fight back against the capitalist, racist and profoundly anti-democratic memoranda policies alongside SYRIZA and the CPG and their supporters, wherever possible. Equally crucial is that new layers of workers, immigrants and youth wake up and take an active part in the fight. There is no other way, no other salvation. At the moment, one cannot accurately predict when and under what circumstances this break will occur. The anti-capitalist and revolutionary left has no choice but to orient their efforts to this prospect.

The anti-capitalist left in Europe and around the world should take a truly critical approach to SYRIZA. The promotion of illusions hinders not only the necessary class struggles in Greece, but also the construction of the international anti-capitalist - revolutionary left.

Note: (1) read -

(Andreas Kloke, Athens 2013-01-03)

Monday, January 7, 2013

Juan Marino (TPR, Argentina): "December 20th: Against Moyano and Micheli. Down with Cristina’s Social Pact!"


#19-D: It isn’t a day of struggle for workers’ claims. It’s an apparatus act with the UCR, Ritondo´s PRO, Federal Peronism, Patricia Bullrich’s “Union para Todos”, Libres del Sur-FAP and the worst of the “caceroleros” from the 8N, with the mean to crush the left demonstration and the Argentinazo


The left “that mobilizes on 19th and on 20th” is concealing the reactionary character of 19th demonstration and has agreed with the PCR that 20th demonstration will not denounce neither Moyano-Micheli nor Binner nor Cristina’s social pact. As TPR, we propose to mobilize on the 20th in a separate column against Cristina, the right and the FAP and to fight for a new class-struggle leadership of trade unions. This December 20th, the way out is to the left.

The first thing that any worker or left militant has to understand is that the act called by Moyano and Micheli’s bureaucracy for 19-D isn’t “the continuity of a struggle plan that started with the national strike on 20-N”. On the contrary, it's its reactionary denial that aims to crush the Argentinazo’s demonstration that has been organized by the left every December 20 for 11 years.
That is because, on the 19-D activity, the workers’ fair claims (elimination of wage tax, 82% mobile for pensions, derogation of the antiterrorist law, an emergency increase for the retired, family salary, among others) won't take part of neither a national strike nor a struggle plan. They are just a decoration to defend the place of the bureaucracy “opposed to the government” inside Cristina’s social pact and to beautify bureaucracy’s electoral agreements for 2013 and 2015.


Without going any further, a day before calling the demonstration, Micheli said: "strikes can't be made every month, so we are of the idea of organizing a demonstration" (Clarín, 03/12). This means that the bureaucracy made up the 19-D... in order not to call a strike and struggle plan! Even less can be thought that the day is "the continuity of a struggle plan" (as "Pollo" Sobrero said) when we realize the 19-D was also called against the mobilization of December 20. The reasons to justify the date were two. First, that a month after 20-N was right to do something because it had already passed enough time (that means, they had already boycotted the actual dynamics of a struggle plan). Second, because "the anniversary of 2001 is not what matters" (which means a political expropriation of the anniversary by a bureaucracy that was conspicuous by its absence on December 19 and 20, 2001).

In this direction (boycott the workers claims and strangulate the Argentinazo's anniversary), during a press conference Moyano said "after this demonstration we are going to initiate lawsuits all along the country, we are going to take the claim to the Justice", "we will become into “caranchos” (owls) and “buitres” (vultures)" (Perfil, 4/12). This means that the bureaucracy openly proclaims that they don’t pretend to develop a plan of struggle to win its claims, but they will “prosecute” the issue to take the claim out from the street.


To understand the character of the 19-D demonstration is essential to understand this: it isn’t a mass demonstration as part of a plan of struggle or a national strike in the workplaces, but a demonstration of the trade union bureaucracy apparatus, that wants to finish with the cycle opened by the 20-N. This means that in the workplaces, the workers aren’t going to move, there will be no deliberation, fighting, pickets or political agitation. It’s, therefore, quite the opposite of what was the historical general strike of the 20-N. What at first time was a step forward (the demonstration to Plaza de Mayo as the last October 10th), after the 20-N they are nothing less than a total capitulation to the national government policy and a pledge of unity between the reactionary right and the FAP.

In fact, Micheli just noted in Clarín of December 12, that "we will be accompanied in the same column by the FUA and the Agrarian Federation, namely, the small producers and the students", that means, by the Franja Morada (UCR youth) and the former member of the agrarian capitalist “Mesa de Enlace”. In the same way, Micheli didn’t deprive himself of affirming that "several words of order are specifics of workers and retirees. But other are general, as the claim of an independent justice or that the Executive finish with the pressure to the judges. Also the claim of respect for individual freedoms, that this government is violating with the dollar curb, with the persecution of those who think differently and accusation of destabilizing to anyone who criticizes them. Also is general the claim of dialog to resolve problems such as insecurity, inflation and public transport" (idem). These statements appear in Ámbito Financiero on December 17 where he said "we also march against permanent pressure to the Justice and the Supreme Court. For the first time we have an important Court, which tries to have an independent Justice". All this is equivalent to completely denature the nature of the call… Two days before the 19-D and with no one voting that! ¡It’s a political fraud to the workers who go to the demonstration for their claims! Thus, the trade union bureaucracy reactionary and fully anti democratic maneuvers, are visible to all of us.

And, for his part, Moyano doesn’t lag behind: he has just announced the UCR presence (De La Rúa’s party) in the 19-D act in Plaza de Mayo, which confirms what we have been arguing from the TPR: the call of the trade union bureaucracy isn’t the continuity of a struggle plan that never existed, but a party meeting and a political act of the trade union bureaucracy. It’s a reactionary call to crush the historic demonstration of the left and the fighters of December 20th. The call for the 19-D has been made without consulting the workers, is the denial of the 20-N strike to subordinate to the right and the FAP cacerolazos. In short, it’s placed completely against the revolutionary perspective opened by the Argentinazo and for a right way out to the national political crisis.


Having said that the 19-D is all but a day of struggle for workers claims, we have to face the debate about the capitalist parties that call to the demonstration, the electoral politics of bureaucracy and the demonstration’s position against Cristina’s social pact.

Firstly, it should be noted that "Moyano vindicated the adhesion of the radicalism, after the meeting with Deputy Ricardo Alfonsin. We received the support of radicalism, with the Radical Workers Organization, the Federal Peronism, suburban people who have decided to participate in this demonstration. It’s an expression of the people because they see that their rights were violated" (Ámbito, 17/12). Secondly, that Libres del Sur will also be present, not to defend any popular claim but to “'stand against inflation and growing insecurity, respect for an independent Justice, federalism and individual liberty. Moreover, to oppose to the reform of the Nacional Constitution in order to favor the presidential re-reelection’ argued the libresuristas in a press release. In that column will also participate the national deputy Victoria Donda, Isaac ‘Yuyo’ Rudnik, from the Isepci, the ex candidate to legislator Laura González Velasco, Raquel Vivanco from Matria Latinoamericana, and Roberto Baigorria the general secretary from that party in the city of Rosario" (Ámbito, 18/12). Finally, "another sector of the ‘macrismo’ that will provide militants to the demonstration is the ‘Solano Lima’ from Cristian Ritondo". That is, the same that guaranteed the deal PRO-K with the city's budget, made the video about the tendinitis attacking the subway workers, now they are putting the anti-worker transfer from the subway and dealt together with the Huracan hooligans to guarantee the fascist gangs that attacked our fellows in the occupation of the Parque Indoamericano. Therefore, the reactionary nature of the demonstration is evident wherever you look. We are not talking about a number of popular claims demagogically taken by the right against the government that the left must support to take advantage from the clashes between the capitalist parties (eg: mobile 82% for pensions) but a reactionary act where the least important thing is the fight for the workers’ claims.

Moreover, at the same time that they called to the demonstration, December was full of agreements and electoral maneuvering of the bureaucracy. Moyanoism, far from fighting against the government for demands, is looking for relocate himself in relation with the candidatures for 2013 and 2015. In order to achieve this he’s already presented his own dull version of ‘PT’ (Production and Work Party). Ámbito of December 17th portrays it this way: “during summer the organization will have to solve its first political crossroads: bet for the ex Economy minister Roberto Lavagna as face for Buenos Aires City, with whom Moyano had a meeting last week, or for the filmmaker Fernando Pino Solanas, who has a good dialogue with the truck drivers colleagues. Between the economist sponsors there’re members of Moyano’s closed circle, as Argüello and Julio Piumato (judicial), who took part of last week meeting. On the other hand, two leaders with quite more political profile inside opposite CGT, as Juan Carlos Schmidt (dredging) and Omar Plaini (newspaper delivery), are inclined for Solanas. About the projection of Moyano’s son, he admitted: «Facundo is a young comrade and a great political leader. His candidature won’t be strange» to second a political face in a presidential formula. Facundo Moyano himself has his own negotiations and went to Scioli’s presentation for 2015 saying “here you breathe peronism” (Perfil, 1/12). It isn’t new: long ago Pablo Moyano had said that “If in 2015 comrade Scioli is candidate, certainly we would be supporting and working for him” (Infobae, 08/06).

Meanwhile, Venegas “took distance from a possible presidential candidature of Buenos Aires governor, Daniel Scioli, about whom he said he has a ‘lot of respect, but who have been nine years with this government policy, aren’t prepared’. He admitted he could support the presidential poses of Córdoba’s governor, José Manuel De la Sota, and Hugo Moyano’s one” (Cronista, 15/12). At the same time, on December 11th, in La Nación, it’s written that “the leader of rural workers and titular of Fe party, Gerónimo Venegas, and the ex-economy minister of Nestor Kirchner, Roberto Lavagna, agreed yesterday to work ‘in a common agenda’ from the dissident peronism to avoid a new reelection of president Cristina Kirchner. Lavagna and Venegas, the third on the rank of Hugo Moyano’s CGT, did an agreement to move forward a ‘justicialist alternative’ for 2015”. Micheli, on the other hand, is playing in the infighting of the FAP, with his organization, leaded by De Gennaro (Unidad Popular). This shows that, as well as in extreme occasions as were the ones of Vandor or Ubaldini, the trade union bureaucracy can brake or be strongly opposed with a ruling government, but by any way it can break with all capitalist variants and less with the capitalist system itself.


Precisely, in the furious capitalist character of trade unions bureaucracy it is the key of the matter. Facing the social pact of prices and wages that Guillermo Moreno (Commerce Secretary), Debora Giorgi (Industry Minister) and Noemí Rial (Vice-Minister of Labor) are trying to rebuild, the true intentions of trade union bureaucracy can be seen.

On one hand, “Moyano warned that ´he will not accept any pact´ of the CGT aligned with the government (…) the leader of the opposition-oriented CGT, Hugo Moyano, warned this afternoon that ´he won’t accept any wage agreement done´ by the trade union aligned with the government, which is leaded by Antonio Caló. (…) ´Collective agreements are free or they are not collective agreements, and all of us and all of our trade unions are going to discuss the collective agreement as it has to be´ noted the truck driver regarding the negotiations when he was going into the meeting of the Federal Central Committee of the opposition-oriented CGT” (La Nación, 10/12). Therefore, Moyano is not against a social pact in general, but he is against that the government is negotiating with the UIA and CGT Caló. The problem is that Moyano wants to be included as a representative of the Argentinian trade union bureaucracy. Ultimately, it is about his part of power to negotiate with the capitalists.

That´s why, in an article in Los Andes (December 14th), Moyano justifies this reactionary position: “Moyano rejects this social pact because of ´lack of official guarantee´ (…) ´We are worried because they are saying they are going to negotiate wages in a social pact. Truck drivers don´t want anybody negotiating our salaries for us´ he said. ´Social Pact was possible in 1974, when the general secretary of the CGT was José Ignacio Rucci, because there was a respect framework: the president was Juan Domingo Perón’ he stated. (…) ´Today Perón is not here and there is no official guarantee. What official guarantee can we have when the Indec lies us and national government takes the money from our medical services!?´said Moyano. ´State owes 400 million pesos to Truck Drivers Federation and 500 million to the Buenos Aires Trade Union´, he shot. And to end he said: ´We have the moral authority to say to the national government that it has to stop taking the money of the workers and putting at risk the only capital of a worker, that is, his health´”. The same reactionary refrain is in other media as statements of people around him: “Hugo supported it (the Social Pact) in the past, but in the framework of a unified CGT. What agreement can have the strength without the sign of all of our trade unions, which are in the other side?”. In other words, get the money of the medical services back and call for a negotiation and then CGT Moyano will end the strikes.

Those were exactly the words of Venegas who, consulted by La Nación about the 19-D demonstration, declared: "the national government must convene the Hugo Moyano´s CGT to a negotiating table to stop the protests and analyze trade union claims". In the same newspaper it´s written that "Venegas said that in case that it doesn’t happen, it could happen as in the 1980s when the CGT chief Saul Ubaldini made 13 strikes to Alfonsín's government" and "we do not know the strikes we are going to do". Faced with such a rumpus, the Micheli-CTA has chosen not to deliver an opinion. Therefore, without intention to misunderstand, the truth is that until Micheli speaks out against them, he’s entirely supportive with moyanoism statements.

That's the reason why neither Moyano nor Micheli denounce the social pact and therefore they don’t develop a struggle plan to combat Cristina’s adjustment: capitalists’ political blocks to which they are associated also apply the adjustment! De La Sota, Scioli, Binner, they are the adjustment governors. That’s why the 19D doesn’t raise the fight against the payment of the debt, against the adjustment, against Cristina´s social pact. The trade unionist opposition against kirchnerism, can be the bureaucracy that doesn’t raise these claims? The same bureaucracy that in 2012 betrayed the collective agreements? Since Moyano and Micheli betray collective agreements and boycott the launching of the struggle plan posed by the 20N, a unified trade unionist opposition against the adjustment doesn’t exist. The only thing that remains on foot is if we adapt to the capitalist and the right behind Moyano and Micheli or if we combat them in order to open an independent path against the trade union bureaucracy and with the left.


In this context, the Frente de Izquierda y de los Trabajadores (FIT – Left and Workers Front) showed that it is in a process of decomposition and paralysis: the morenoists (IS and PTS) rushed headlong into the demonstration of the trade union bureaucracy, without a word about the demonstration of the 20th, that is LIQUIDATING THE ARGENTINAZO DEMONSTRATION and making silence about the anti-left and anti-piquetero nature of the trade union bureaucracy calling. Both organizations characterize it as an "opportunity" for classism, while the day of struggle of the 20th just doesn’t exist.

However, the FIT won’t even go into a unified and separate column of the demonstration of the 19D. The PTS spent all the week lying with an invitation to a column called "class-struggle unionism" to hide the fact that IS won’t go with him but, as it is tradition, will dissolve itself going with the rest of the bureaucracy because the alleged "champions of left unity" (IS) considered sectarian and artificial that the left goes to the demonstration differentiated from the bureaucracy. The PO, which joined later to 19th, after a right and opportunist turn of their leadership, don’t fixed a position about what should the FIT do, as until the day before they were worried justifying to its militants why the PO was getting out of the demonstration of 20th and putting all its forces on the 19th.

Therefore the FIT, again, hasn’t a common column (as has happened repeatedly in the recent months) and directed by the morenoists, will go to a pro-imperialist, pro-capitalists parties, bureaucratic and anti-workers demonstration. And worse, if in that demonstration a FIT column of "last minute" should be formed, it would be a mutual concealment between the FIT parties and not an expression of a call and a frontist work on trade unions against the bureaucracy.


The PTS, nervous to justify their participation, pose it as an expression of the need to be part of "all united front that strength the forces of the working class" (LVO, 13/12). So, for the PTS a united front with the UCR against the piquetero day of December 20th will “strength the forces of the working class". The morenoism is not a good gymnastic routine. At the same time they say that "the demonstration called by Hugo Moyano and Pablo Micheli of the CGT and CTA (against the government) for this 19-D is call with the same progressive demands of the 20N strike" (LVO, 13/12). It’s pathetic how a slogan can confuse the PTS (and its attempts to mislead the workers), because PTS is not able to understand the NATURE of a day, which transcends (and gives concrete and real expression) to its claims.

The PTS policy is an explicit symptom of its morenoist policy, which combines strongly the opportunism and sectarianism. When on October 10th, Micheli’s CTA called to a national strike and demonstration with the Moyano’s CGT, focused on the working class demands, the PTS refused to dispute in the demonstration because the Agrarian Federation (FAA) also took part in it. However, this demonstration opened a course for the left and the fighters to pose a struggle plan, and in this context was that the bureaucracy of Moyano and Micheli launched the call to the strike. Impacted by the 20-N day, now the PTS turned 180º burying vilely all its supposed principles and now, from one day to another, they discover the importance of the "united front" (that is for them, tailing the bureaucracy by pure morenoist vocation); but in Kraft and Zanón, on 20N they couldn’t guarantee the strike. Those who throw up their hands in horror because of going to a demonstration with the FAA on October 10th, or the UCR on March 24th, now retract themselves and are 'more moyanoists than Moyano'.


As a counterpart, the Partido Obrero, who started a political battle for the calling and defence of the demonstration on December 20th, was the only Argentinian left party that, as well as the TPR did, characterized accurately what the 19-D demonstration mean. PO stated: “the call for the demonstration to the next 19th shouldn`t trick anyone. The lack of a struggle plan since the first demonstration against the wage tax six month ago is a demonstration that the workers claim are a secondary element for the three who call the demonstration. Their true goal is to contribute to the development of a political front against kirchnerism, which goes from PRO to Proyecto Sur (Prensa Obrera, December 13th). This underlined that PO is revolutionary, unlike the rest of the left. But, after that, PO turned and changed its position in order to capitulate in the face of the morenoist position. This shows that, as we announced when it was created, the FIT was founded as a pact against Partido Obrero, and PO itself is having an anticapitalist turn that the FIT boosts carrying the morenoist pressure. PO´s militants know this, in one way or another. They know the calling for going to the demonstration “the 19th and the 20th” is a sham because, with anger they have told us that “despite my desire to go the 20th, the pose of the Central Committee is that we go the 19th”.

Moreover, the other side of the coin of its opportunist position about going the 19th was the will to destroy the demonstration of the 20th calling for “a Partido Obrero´s rally”. Finally, because of the pressure of the rest of the left (PR-ml, MAS, TPR, CORREPI, ASAMBLEAS DEL PUEBLO, RyR, among others) we achieved a “united” demonstration, which, because of the responsibility of PO and PTS… ended up in a pact with PCR in order not to denounce Micheli and Moyano. So PO goes the 20th with PCR after also going the 19th. This makes sense as a continuity of PO's latest positions. On the 20N they didn't call for a demonstration to Plaza de Mayo because Moyano and Micheli had decided to call it off. They also haven't done anything at all against the debt payment: they didn't take part of the act that the TPR organized on the 14D at Plaza de mayo, when Cristina paid the biggest amount ever since 2001.

In these conditions, the FIT and PO didn´t pass the test of the eleventh anniversary of the Argentinazo, neither of the fight against the popular front of the bureaucracy. What it is true is that they agreed anything with the PCR around the demonstration of 20D just in order to avoid being outside a “united December 20th”. The leaderships of PO and PTS need to say they march the 20th to achieve the task of making their militancy to accept the pro-imperialist calling of the 19D. This has to be discussed by each and every comrade of the FIT, militants and supporters, in order to put on foot the Coordinating Committee in Defense of the FIT.


PCR and MST are within the calling organizations for the 19th demonstration, not only as part of Proyecto Sur, but also as a part of the bureaucracy of Micheli´s CTA. They took part in the press conference that announced the march and since long time ago they are the left wing of that popular front. They support the demonstrations like the 8N (Izquierda Socialista also did it) and they collaborate, therefore, with the building of a capitalist unified opposition as Capriles’ one.

That´s why the PCR, that didn´t have in mind being part of the December 20th demonstration, finally decided to do it. PCR national leadership justified this regarding a crisis with the Capital branch. However, beyond this, what is true is that they took part and their role was to avoid the denounce against Moyano´s and Micheli´s trade-union bureaucracy. In the organization meeting for the Argentinazo demonstration they stated that both bureaucracies are “allies for revolution”. This way, the word “trade union bureaucracy” as a workers struggle restraint loses any sense. They also blocked the denounce against Binner (responsible of the murderers of “Pocho” Leprati in Rosario and member of the Aliancist government in 2001), leader of the FAP, with whom Proyecto Sur wants to get an agreement towards 2013. Facing that, PO and PTS capitulated, without any discussion neither denounces in its own newspapers. Also, PCR was opposite to put the slogan “Down with Alperovich” that, along with the Partido Obrero, we boosted in the meeting. They said that they “don´t have a position yet”.

PCR is trying to achieve a support from Moyano to Pino Solanas in Buenos Aires city (Schmidt and Plaini also support this) and that´s why it doesn´t want to denounce the Social Pact. Moyano doesn´t denounce it either because he wants to negotiate in his own terms. In conclusion, the taken over of the 20D rally done by the PCR WITH THE FIT shows that there is a block of the centrist left and of the bureaucratic left with the aim of neutralize the 20th demonstration. This is the same left that did nothing about the anniversary of the Parque Indoamericano.

This is why “piqueteros’” claims weren´t added in the 20D demonstration. Opposite to that, from the TPR we demand the incorporation of the claims for home, urbanization, against power cuts, water and for registered Argentina Trabaja and for all. It is not casual either, that they didn´t want to denounce the Cristina´s Social Pact, as Micheli hasn´t set position yet and Moyano wants a place in the negotiations. The FIT´s left, in conclusion, is not able to face the Moyano´s and Micheli´s left because it considers a tactical non-aggression agreement in order to fight against kirchnerism. They are wrong. It is just the opposite. In order to contribute to the separation of the masses from the kirchnerism, the left has to be the first to attack the rightwing parties and the FAP.


What the left doesn´t understand is that in order to capitalize the breakdown of the masses with the kirchnerist government, the left has to set a strong political delimitation with Moyano and Micheli, rather than a “critical support” that only allows the kirchneristas to be the firsts in the denounce against the bureaucracy and pretend to appear as a popular option against its agreements with the right and the FAP.

This is the case of the conference called by the Relatives of Disappeared and Detained for Political Reasons in order to repudiate that the demonstration of Moyano and Micheli is going to be developed the same day that “our people remember those painful days of 2001”. In that sense they said that “for us it hurts that in a commemoration date for loving people that is not with us anymore, a demonstration is called saying nothing about the memory of what happened those days, and moreover, in the Plaza de Mayo”. The relatives also criticized the UCR, because that year it was the ruling party, with Fernando De La Rúa as the president. Regarding that, they repudiate that the demonstration called by Moyano and Micheli was accompanied by the UCR because that party “never asked forgiveness to our people, neither recognized their responsibility in the murderers, nor criticized their own role in the damage against our country”. The same was said by Daffunchio, from the MTD Anibal Verón, and Luis D´Elia, who pointed out that “neither Micheli nor Moyano were in the streets on December 19th 2001”. In that regard, he stated that “Micheli was in the national bureau of the CTA where I also was and he, and together with Victor De Gennaro they were against participating in that historical day” (Ámbito, 18/12).

Another example are the 800 delegates and half of the leadership of ATE Capital, who state that “alliances with groups that have interests far away from ours, the workers ones. They pretend a theatre according to their electoral aims towards 2013, trying to drag us with some fair slogans for the workers” (Página 12, December 18th). And it is also the case of Palazzo (bank workers linked to Moyano that decided not to go the 19D). In the statement of La Bancaria they say that “we don’t and will not take part in decisions taken without the necessary discussion within the organization that could be mixed with party interests or involve groups that want to divide the trade union movement” (AFP Digital, December 17th).

All these critics that come from different expressions of the kirchnerism don’t have a core element: they don´t make their own vindication of the Argentinazo, neither denounce Cristina´s Social Pact. Even worse, La Bancaria pointed that “it doesn´t exists a call to a necessary agreement or social pact in order to consolidate the economic and social improvements of the last years, it’s necessary to point that we have the disposal to participate in the effort to overcome the differences, doing the expressly clarification that that pact has to be wider than a prices-and-wages pact” (Ámbito, 14/12). That is, their critic is in order to vindicate Cristina and, so, her negative to satisfy all the workers’ claims.

That´s why we fiercely warn the workers about hearing these hypocrite positions of the kirchnerists organizations because the only ones who can critic the 19D demonstration are those who go the 20D and, in that line, we call all those who reject the 19D with a left view to come to the demonstration of the 20D with the left against Moyano-Micheli and their agreements with the UCR, the right and the FAP.


As we have explained all along this text, this eleventh anniversary of the Argentinazo has clarified the strategy and tactic of the left in Argentina to face the world capitalist bankruptcy. The same left which criticizes European left because of “dissolving itself behind the strike gymnastic”, quickly dissolved itself behind Moyano and Micheli in the face of a pretended struggle plan which never comes. Outstanding were the actuation of the Movimiento Socialista de los Trabajadores (MST) and the Partido Comunista Revolucionario (PCR) as the most reactionary, who consciously pave the way for bureaucracy against the left.

In this regard, the Frente de Izquierda y los Trabajadores (FIT) wasn´t an alternative and was dragged with Izquierda Socialista (IS) ahead behind the bureaucracy. The Partido de los Trabajadores Socialistas (PTS) showed such a duplicity and hypocrisy that must appeal everybody to a strategic reflection about its morenoism. The Partido Obrero (PO), in the first place leaded the political struggle for an independent December 20th but finally was dragged by the FIT to the reactionary demonstration and ended trying to boycott the unity rally of December 20thby doing their own rally… and then they did it united with PCR and so they put off any political denounce to trade unions bureaucracy.

The only honorable exception we can mention in this situation is the new Partido de la Causa Obrera (PCO) and CORREPI that, despite of being sectarian because they equal the rising course that set the demonstration of October 10th with de demonstration of 19-D which closes the process of 20-N, they had the virtue of calling for demonstration on December 20th to pose left as an alternative against kirchnerist government and against all variants of trade unions bureaucracy. That´s why we, the TPR, call PCO, CORREPI and all left which denounce the reactionary character of the demonstration of 19-D (this includes PO that goes to the 19thbut is still posing this political denounce) to build an independent column. Prisma-Estrella Roja, arguing that they can’t have a national policy to correct the bankruptcy of left, decided to “overcome” this… denying the need to build the Coordinating Committee in Defense of the FIT and going behind Moyano and Micheli the 19-D, like the rest of the left.

As Tendencia Piquetera Revolucionaria, we call all fighters to march on December 20th against Cristina, the right and the FAP. Let’s go for a new class-struggle leadership of trade unions to set up a general strike and a struggle plan for:





CGT: “Confederación General del Trabajo” – Work General Confederation. Main union in the country recently divided into two fractions: its Kirchnerist fraction (led by Caló) and its opposition fraction (led by Moyano).
CTA: “Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina” – Argentinian Workers Union. Union formed in 1991 by sectors of peronism and the center-left. In 2010, after the development of fraudulent elections, it was divided into two sectors: on one hand, the CTA-Yasky (Kirchnerist) and CTA-Micheli (opposition).
De la Rúa: President of Argentina, by the UCR, from 1999 to 2001, when he was overthrown by Argentinazo.
UCR: First petty bourgeois party of masses in Argentina, prior to Peronism. Participated in the oligarchic electoral fraud and integrated into imperialism. It instigated several military dictatorships. Under Menem’s government, it took part in the Olivos Pact to enable Menem’s re-election. It was overthrown by the Argentinazo. It is a member of the Second International with the Argentine Socialist Party and Greek PASOK.
PRO: Rightwing party emerged in 2005. It governs Buenos Aires City from then until now and is led by businessman Mauricio Macri. It belongs to the International Democrat Union, founded at the time by Margaret Thatcher, Helmut Kohl, Jacques Chirac and George W. Bush.
Patricia Bullrich: Ex Minister of Labour in De la Rua’s government. Currently, she is national deputy for “Unión para Todos”, rightwing political organization coming from the “Coalición Cívica” of Elisa Carrio.
Libres del Sur: Political organization previously known as "Patria Libre". Its leadership comes from the PRT-ERP headed by Mario Santucho. It was part of Izquierda Unida with Stalinism and Morenoism. It’s a nationalist organization with presence in the piquetero movement. It integrated into the Kirchner government shortly after his assumption. After the crisis between Kirchner and agrarian capital, it joined the political field of the pro-imperialist center-left, integrating the FAP.
FAP: Center-left coalition, pro-imperialist and soybean led by the Partido Socialista. It came second in the last election, with 17%, having Hermes Binner as their candidate for president.
8-N: The 8-N was a massive and historic popular protest of 2 million people around the country that ended appropriating cacerolazos, to express their anger against the national crisis. The mobilization program was determined by the openly rightist participants. The slogans were against re-election, insecurity or inflation -all of them that didn`t postulated any concrete solution and the only solution was a clamor operation synthesized in the slogan "opposition appear". What these right participants promote is to develop a tendency "like Capriles" and unify all capitalist opposition against Cristina. It’s a reactionary pose that seeks better conditions for the development of a right way out to the national pre-revolutionary situation. The claim of "Cristina listen", posed by the 8-N, contains opposite perspectives and outputs because on one hand, expresses a popular agenda postponed by the government and on the other, the claim of the bourgeoisie itself appealing to a turn inside Kirchnerism to impose its agenda. In turn, claiming Cristina to "listen" under the 8-N driven by the right and the FAP is not a minor detail because the capitalist character of the day gives it a right bias. Here is the case, for example, of voters who voted for the government (or even for the FIT) and then participated in the cacerolazo of the opposition pro-imperialist parties. In this sector of the protesters, however, lies the most interesting politically band because, although minority, it raises the possibility of joining with the 20-N and the workers' struggle against the government. However, this sector was dissolved and didn’t contrast their demands to the rest of the cacerolazo because they denied the role of pro-imperialist opposition in the call of the day and, in fact, didn’t identify with the national strike on 20-N because they wanted to "reclaim as citizens." Behind that "civic imposture" hides the rejection of a proletarian exit and dissimulation of one's claims behind capitalist variants. The task of the left in this complex political situation was waging a political and socialist struggle to separate this leftist and popular basis that, confusingly, legitimately claimed in the middle of this right call. Faced with this political dispute to see who occupies the streets, as Tendencia Piquetera Revolucionaria (TPR), we made a public agitation against the 8-N and therefore we went to discuss with the workers and popular sectors present in it with a flyer entitled "the solution to the crisis is left, never right."
Moyano: General Secretary of the CGT not aligned to the government (CGT-Moyano). Its principal basis is in truckers. He was Kirchnerist until 2011 and he also was the President of the PJ of Buenos Aires Province. He’s a member of the Peronist right.
Micheli: General Secretary of the CTA not aligned to the government (CTA-Micheli). Its principal basis is in state workers. He takes part in the Corriente Nacional por la Unidad Popular, which is member of FAP.
Binner: Candidate for President for the FAP in 2011. PS (Socialist Party) leader. He was part of the Alliance government that led De la Rúa to the presidency. He co-governs Santa Fe with UCR servicing soya capitalists.
Cristina: Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner. She was the President of Argentina from 2007 to 2011 and was reelected in 2011, with a mandate until 2015, by 54%. She is the successor and wife of the deceased Nestor Kirchner (President of Argentina from 2003 to 2007). The Kirchner regime is characterized as a soya assembler that turns fiscal resources to pay the foreign debt and subsidies to capitalists while promoting labor outsourcing and supporting the union bureaucracy. She assumed in 2003 to divert the Argentinazo open process.
20-N: November 20, 2012. It was the first national strike against Kirchner government, organized by the trade union opposition, mainly, CGT-Moyano and CTA-Micheli. That day, Micheli and Moyano suspended the march to Plaza de Mayo, where are the headquarters of the national government, because of its policy against confronting Cristina and defending workers’ claims. While the FIT accepted the suspension of the demonstration and adapted to the bureaucracy, the TPR didn`t give up the call and made its own act in Plaza de Mayo.
FUA: “Federación Universitaria Argentina” – Argentinian University Federation, composed by students’ federations of every university in the country. Currently, it’s led by Franja Morada, UCR’s youth.
Federación Agraria (FAA): organization of agrarian capitalists, member of the “Mesa de Enlace” (Liaison Board).
Mesa de Enlace: block of four agrarian capitalist entities formed in 2008 to oppose the government of Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner by the right. This block confronted Kirchnerism posing the elimination of export taxes on soybeans, in opposition to the government of Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner who had tried to increase soybean exports to guarantee payment of the foreign debt and subsidies to capitalists. We opposed both capitalist blocs.
OTR: Union grouping of the UCR.
Peronismo Federal: PF. Block of governors and parliamentarians from the right soybean, members of Peronism (Partido Justicialista, PJ) that separated from Kirchnerism in 2008.
Pino Solanas: National Deputy for Proyecto Sur and leader of that movement. Sympathized with kirchnerism until 2008, when he made choice for agrarian capital. Currently, he’s looking to reach an agreement with Binner due to the elections of 2013 and 2015.
Daniel Scioli: Is underway his second term as governor of the main Province of Argentina, Buenos Aires. He was vice president of Néstor Kirchner. Has already launched his candidacy for 2015 and is starring in an internal political crisis in the PJ with the current President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner. Scioli aims to take advantage of Kirchnerism crisis from within the government itself merging with Peronist right and Moyano’s bureaucracy.
Venegas: Gerónimo “Momo”. He’s General Secretary of the National Union of Agricultural Laborers (UATRE) since 1990. Member of the Peronist right, linked to Peronismo Federal, and member of the CGT-Moyano.
Ubaldini: Saúl. He was General Secretary of CGT between 1986 and 1990.
Vandor: Augusto. Metallurgical Peronist bureaucrat from 1950 to 1969. He posed “Peronism without Perón" and was looking for compromise with the military dictatorship of the time. He was assassinated in 1969.
Caló: Antonio. General Secretary of the CGT-Kirchner. He comes from the metallurgical bureaucracy.
UIA: “Unión Industrial Argentina” – Argentina Industrial Union, main capitalist camera of Argentina.
INDEC: “Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos” – Statistics and Census National Institute. It depends on the Economy Minister, and is located in the centre of national and international controversy since 2007 when Kirchnerism intervened it through a gang to hide the fact that salaries don’t adjust according to inflation of prices.
Rucci: José Ignacio. He was General Secretary of the CGT from 1970 to 1973. He represented the Peronist right and was killed by the Montoneros.
Perón: Juan Domingo. He was a bourgeois nationalist military that developed an anti-imperialist movement supported by the mobilization of the masses in Argentina. He expanded trade unions, based on crushing the previously existent classism. That classism was politically unable to face the emergence of a nationalist movement in a backward country because of its Stalinist character (PC) or social democratic (PS). It was from there that regimented unions under his command, forming a Peronist union bureaucracy. The first time he ran for elections was in 1946. He called workers for voting him under the slogan “Braden o Perón”, since Braden, U.S. Ambassador, supported the Democratic Union, a coalition between the UCR, the extinct Conservative Party, the PS and the Communist Party. His policy was based on containing labor mobilization in the frames of the capitalist system as a factor to negotiate with imperialism. In fact, in 1947, Perón subscribes TIAR under the guardianship of Braden that submits Argentina to Yankee diplomacy. Peronism is irreversibly exhausted because it has given all it could and in this long agony was convoked by the Argentina national bourgeoisie to take away even the minimum that could have given in its rise period. For new generations Peronism will be remembered as the one that destroyed labor conventions, robbed retirees and finished demolishing retirement, destroyed job security and knelt before imperialism partnering even in slaughter operations prompted by the Yankees. That is, Menemism. Its limits are determined by its class character: being a bourgeois nationalist movement in an oppressed country, it hints national tasks and satisfies worker claims, but it isn’t able to take them in-depth because it is opposed to arm the masses against imperialism and to expropriate capital. That’s why, in 1955, he allowed the development of the military coup, exiling in Franco’s Spain and, when he returned in 1973, he did it as the last resource of the bourgeoisie to crush the revolutionary situation opened by Cordobazo, preparing the ground to Videla’s military dictatorship in 1976.
FIT: “Frente de Izquierda y de los Trabajadores” – Workers’ Left Fron. Founded in 2011. It’s formed by PO, PTS and Izquierda Socialista. An anti-capitalist and centrist front, founded without developing a political struggle against electoral proscriptive politic reform imposed by Cristina and capitalist opposition in early 2011. Its program and candidatures were decided behind the back of popular uprisings and of all the fighters, and excluded the leftist organizations that didn’t have legal electoral status or regional deputies. Then, it played a progressive role based on evading the proscription on mandatory open internal primary election and taking a percentage slightly above 2%, posing as a potential left opposition to Cristina, the right and the FAP. At that point, it plays a similar role to Antarsya in Greece. As TPR we gave a great political struggle in opposition to its centrist and democratizing character, stating the need to put it up as a 100% left front built in the clarity. Based on that, we called for contesting the vote or voting for FIT in the regional elections because it was independent of capitalist parties, but it didn’t represent a factor in the political situation. Then, we called to vote for it in the internal elections in 2011 in order to make the left avoid the state proscription, y again we campaigned for it during October presidential elections of 2011 based on the fact that it had already constituted as a factor in the political situation and as a potential left-wing alternative at a national level. Nowadays, it’s experiencing a dissolution process, which we are combating from the TPR calling to structure a Coordination Committee in Defense of the FIT.
PO: “Partido Obrero” – Workers Party. Founded in 1983 from the group called Política Obrera, in delimitation with Peronism, Stalinism, Morenoism and Foquism. Leaded by Jorge Altamira. It’s the biggest workers and students’ Trotskyist organization in Argentina, and the only one that played an outstanding role in the piquetero movement and 2001 Argentinazo, what showed its revolutionary character. Facing the capitalism bankruptcy’s development, its leadership has initiated an anti-capitalist turn which pretends to renege of its own historical and revolutionary tradition. Its international organization is the CRFI, integrated by the EEK in Greece, the PCL in Italy, the DIP in Turkey, the MTL in Finland, Opción Obrera in Venezuela, the PT in Uruguay, among others. Unlike EEK, that called to vote for Antarsya, PO called to vote for Syriza after the elections took place. The TPR is an expelled tendency of PO which claims its reincorporation in order to fight against the anti-capitalist turn and defend PO’s revolutionary tradition.
Izquierda Socialista: Socialist Left. Formerly called MST 2. Centrist, anti-piquetero and strongly adapted to the union bureaucracy. Split from MST in 2007. It vindicates Nahuel Moreno. Its international current is called UIT (Unión Internacional de Trabajadores), leaded by Miguel Sorans. It didn’t take position during the Greek elections.
PTS: It’s the second organization within the FIT. Founded in 1988, it emerged within the old MAS as an internal tendency that vindicated being the continuity of Nahuel Moreno. Years later they wrote some critical texts, constituting as a left wing inside Morenoism. They opposed to build a Trotskyst organization inside the piquetero movement during the Argentinazo, saying that that wouldn’t imply a work over the center of the economic production. It’s a centrist, democratizing, anti-piquetero, conservative and anti-catastrophist group. Its international current (FT) maintains an impotent politic for Greece, given the fact that they don’t challenge Syriza on the bases of denouncing of its front-populist character, as well as it didn’t vote for Antarsya during the last elections.
Capriles: Henrique. Main opposition candidate against Chávez in the last election, to whom all Argentinean bourgeoisie opposite to Cristina recognizes the “merit” of achieving to align the different pro-imperialist parties behind his candidature.
PCR: “Partido Comunista Revolucionario” – Revolutionary Communist Party. Counter-revolutionary mao-stalinist Party. It emerged from the biggest rupture of the Communist Party in 1967. During the years before the Argentinazo, it developed its organization within the piquetero movement, the CCC (Corriente Clasista y Combativa), promoting a front-populist politic of association with the Catholic Church and the center-left. Like Moyano and Micheli, it opposed to the overthrowing of De la Rúa and was absent during the Argentinazo. In 2003 it had a short time of collaboration with Kirchnerism. In 2008 it supported the Mesa de Enlace and the soya right-wing. It’s a part of Proyecto Sur since the elections of 2011 and in some districts it integrated the FAP’s electoral lists. It’s linked to Greek KOE. It openly supports Syriza.
MST: “Movimiento Socialista de los Trabajadores” – Workers’ Socialist Movement. It emerged in 1992 as a split from the old MAS. It’s a Morenoist Trotskyst organization that’s moving forward to reformism. It constructs the international space organized around the “Revista de América”, which within NPA references in the group called La Commune. However, since last year, it initiated negotiations in order to achieve its entry to the USFI, from which it’s now an observatory member. Since 2010 is part of Proyecto Sur. It openly supports the Front de Gauche and Syriza. Its main leader, Alejandro Bodart, has travelled to Greece to support Tsipras electoral campaign.
Proyecto Sur: Center-left coalition leaded by Pino Solanas. It’s composed, besides PCR and MST, by the Proyecto Sur Party and by the Partido Socialist Auténtico (Authentic Socialist Party, a split from the PS in 1982). It supports the Mesa de Enlace, the 8N and the opposition union bureaucracy.